Karl Wolff
NAME- Karl Wolff
DATE (S) OF INTERVIEWS (S)- Dec. 1983, Jan. 1984
LOCATION (S) OF INTERVIEW (S)-
Munich, West Germany
LANGUAGE (S) CONDUCTED- English/German
SIGNIFICANCE OF SUBJECT- -Adjutant to Reichsfuehrer-SS
Heinrich Himmler, 1942-44
-Chief of SS Personnel Office, 1943- 44,
Expert on Eastern Affairs
-Commander of Order Police, Italian
Front, 1945.
-Anti-Partisan
Organization for the
SS. SS Lieutenant General,
OTHERS IN ATTENDANCE- Waffen SS Major Rudolf von
Falkenhahn (Dec. 1993 only).
FORMAT Q & A standard
Q-
Please provide some background about yourself, General.
A- I was born in 1900, so I am now almost eighty-four years old.
Q- What was your education like?
A-
I had the typical German education, and passed the abitur in 1918
when the First World War was almost over.
Q- When did you join the NSDAP?
A- I joined in the 1920’s, so I am
one of the original members. This was when I met Himmler, Hess, and later
Hitler. The early days of the Party.
Q- Did you join as a soldier?
A- No, I was a policeman originally,
and Goering was my boss, before Himmler took over the Gestapo and SS,
and all police functions fell under the Order Police, SD or Gestapo,
depending upon their various duties.
Q- How did you become involved with
anti-partisan policy?
A- The problem first became evident
in 1941 in Russia. During the war between eight and twelve percent of all
materiel losses were because of partisan action, with most occurring in
Yugoslavia and Russia. The field commanders decided that something had to be
done on a large military scale. The Reichs-fuehrer was concerned with the
problems of partisans, especially in Russia and Yugoslavia, where they were
virtually unchecked. Our Hungarian, Romanian, and Bulgarian allies were also
experiencing problems with partisans, and this was what Himmler said to me;
‘Wolff, do you believe that we may be successful in trying to create our own
units of partisans to work behind enemy lines? Perhaps they could work with the
SS commando units, if we approach this problem correctly it may work.’ I
spoke to Felix Steiner and later Otto Kumm about this, and they were of the
opinion that it would work. The greatest problem was trying to undo the damage
already done from the invasion [of Russia] forward with regard to the civilian
populations, especially the mass executions, which had not been handled very
well.
Q- How did the counterinsurgency
policy develop?
A- Not easily, due to many problems.
Hitler had received combat reports that showed a rise in partisan activity that
was impeding progress during the invasion. Later this would become a terrible
problem in rear areas, and Hitler wanted it halted at all costs. The policy
originated in the field, but eventually our office established policy and issued
orders, which were not always obeyed, and I think this was rightly so. The
commander in the field was more aware of the situation than staff officers in
Berlin. The problem had become so critical, especially where morale among the
troops was concerned that Steiner, Bach-Zelewski and I decided that, with the
proper analysis and experienced officers on the project we could arrive at some
solution. Several plans had been tried previously, such as propaganda broadcasts
and dropping leaflets by aircraft and artillery shells dropped into suspected
partisan areas. This was mostly a waste of time, since the partisans fighting us
were not really worth trying to convert. We needed to enlist the loyalty of
those who had yet been pressed into partisan or Soviet military service. Failing
that, the second plan was to develop tactics for soldiers in the field, offering
better chances of success while raising their morale, which by 1943 was not as
high as we would have liked to think, at least in Russia. We had to establish an
understanding as to how important the partisan struggle was in order to stem the
potential for any psychological problems or questions of morality. What we
derived was placed into service, and ‘Florian Geyer’, ‘Maria Theresia’
and other units were specially trained in these tactics. They worked far beyond
our expectations, offering Hitler the chance to strike a new combat award, the
Anti-Partisan Badge in three grades; bronze, silver and gold for fifty,
seventy-five and 100 days of such combat. The men who won these awards were few
and they wore them proudly. It was not unusual to have men in an anti-partisan
unit all decorated with the Iron Cross in either of the two classes, and even
higher decorations.
Q- How did the intelligence services
work with your office?
A- There were of course problems;
different branches competing for money and resources, and there was not always
the trust and comradeship between the services. I suppose this was true of all
militaries in all countries.
Q- Did you ever meet Reinhard Gehlen?
A- Yes, many times. He was an
amazingly intelligent person, although he did not hide his dislike of the SS,
even the Waffen SS, and Himmler hated him, and Hitler secretly envied
him, I believe. However, Gehlen was not one to hold his opinion and he never
changed his reports, regardless of how unpopular they may have been, so you must
respect him for that. Jodl wanted to have him shot, along with Keitel, because
after every meeting with Hitler the Fuehrer would be in a bad mood, and
they would receive the brunt of it. Hitler would say to them, ‘Gehlen saw this
or that, why did you not see this as well?’ Hitler would accuse them of
incompetence when Gehlen’s figures of production in Russia or the estimates of
Soviet reinforcements proved to be accurate. However, once Gehlen came into the
meeting with the Fuehrer in the Chancellery, and after informing Hitler
that, despite seventeen months of fighting since the start of (Operation)
Barbarossa, and the six or seven million killed or captured Soviets, we
could expect a resurgence in the spring. He was especially frightening with his
estimates of future partisans we could expect to encounter. Hitler threatened to
have him placed in a sanitarium if he ever spouted such nonsense again, and
threw him out. This was November 1942 I believe, and General of Fighters [Adolf
Galland, [Rudolf von] Falkenhahn, and [Hans] Baur were there, along with Goering,
Himmler and several others whom I cannot remember. It has been a long time.
Gehlen always told the truth as he saw it and infuriated Hitler on several
occasions, such as his denouncing key individuals and calling certain
gauleiters incompetent, blaming much of the problem on them.
Q- Who in particular comes to mind?
A- Erich Koch was a Hitler favourite
and Gehlen disliked him intensely. Gehlen believed that people like Koch would
only create greater problems with the populations, increasing partisan
resistance. All of Gehlen’s concerns were disregarded by Hitler, Himmler, and
the High Command.
Q- Did Gehlen become active the
anti-partisan war?
A- Yes, very much so. He became
Director of Foreign Armies East later, and was involved in the Freiwilligen
(volunteer) recruitment in Russia, and eventually more than a million former Red
Army soldiers and civilians served in the German ranks directly or in separate
units, such as Vlasov’s Army. However, Hitler was not informed of this until
August 1944, if I remember correctly. He (Gehlen) was opposed to the
Einsatzgruppen methods, and also was not supportive of political officers
being assigned to front line units. They were not trusted due to their
connections to the SD and Gestapo, where their reports on morale
and other concerns were sent.
Q- How well did the SS
counterinsurgency units work with the Army units?
A- Sometimes it worked well, and
sometimes it did not. This was to be expected. However, there were some
commanders who did not want to be part of any SS operations.
Q- Do any officers come to mind?
A- Well, perhaps the most outspoken
critic was [Hasso von] Manteuffel. He absolutely hated the SS, with
exception to the Waffen SS, and there was a difference, you understand?
Nearly all of the Army commanders wanted their own Waffen SS units
attached due to their fighting skill. Manteuffel’s position on working with the
SS became well known.
Q- What was the problem?
A- Manteuffel had apparently issued
orders that anyone from the SD or Einsatz-gruppen would be tried
and shot if they attempted to take men from his command without his written
authorisation, which would never be given for anti-partisan missions. He felt
that his men could perform their own partisan roundups without SS
assistance. I do not remember exactly how this infor-mation came to be known by
the Reichsfuehrer, although I can tell you that I had never seen him so
upset about anything personally. Once Manteuffel’s statement had been confirmed
I was ordered to draft a letter the general, asking him to clarify his position
on this matter. Within two weeks von Manteuffel had responded, and his blunt
method of dealing with our office only made the problem worse. Himmler finally
had a meeting with Hitler, and most of us on the General Staff were present
except Goering. Himmler wanted to know what should be done about Manteuffel and
his disregard for the field orders. Hitler simply stated, ‘I would not concern
myself with Baron Manteuffel. He seems to have his house in order.’ I don’t
believe that Himmler found this to be a satisfactory answer, and he never
forgave Manteuffel for threatening his field commanders.
Q- Were their any SS generals
who disagreed with Himmler or his policies?
A- Yes, and I can tell you personally
that there were several high ranking SS officers who did not agree with
Himmler, and most apparently did not like him for various reasons.
Q-
Which policies seemed to give these men the most trouble, and who were
they?
A- The list is quite long, such as
[Wilhelm] Bittrich, [Paul] Hausser, Bach-Zelewski, [Josef ‘Sepp’] Dietrich,
Steiner, [Herbert] Gille, [Friedrich-Wilhelm] Krueger, and others. Himmler did
have his supporters, such as [Theodor] Eicke, [Hans] Mueller and others. This
dissent became known, although very quietly, you understand, during a meeting in
Russia. This was in late 1941, September possibly, I do not remember exactly
although I was also present. Himmler ordered the meeting with the high-ranking
field commanders and several administrative officers. His purpose was to inform
the group of what the Fuehrer’s official policies were, how we were to
conduct the war in the east, and how to officially handle the local populations.
The Aryan peoples were to be brought into the German Reich, the
Volksgemeinschaft, while others were to be excluded. Himmler never at any
time openly stated killing civilians. However, he did use expressions such as
‘permanent removal’, ‘relocation,’ and ‘racial purification’. Himmler explained
the genetic superiority of Aryans, and cautioned the officers regarding the
mixing of the races among their men, and that they held the responsibility of
maintaining the laws. I remember afterward that Wilhelm Bittrich, who was a
highly respected officer, stated during the luncheon that ‘The things Heinrich
says are sheer nonsense! Things will go badly for us if we don’t change our
ways, and he is a fool if he does not understand this.’ At least fifteen high
ranking SS colonels and generals heard this, including myself, although I
did not display any outward sign that I had heard, let alone would choose sides.
Himmler was my boss, after all.
Q- You met all of the great
commanders at one time or another, as I understand. What were your personal
opinions of some of the more controversial officers?
A- Well, of the SS I knew all
of them, and perhaps the most controversial was Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski. He
believed that Hitler was Germany’s only hope to alter the misfortunes of the
past. However, given that, he openly disagreed with Himmler on policy. Along
with Bittrich they routinely had their men removed from areas that might be
considered suspicious regarding partisan activity, such as peaceful villages.
However, Zelewski could be very ruthless and efficient when actually engaged
with partisans, and as the first official commander of the anti-partisan
commandos this was where he earned his Knight’s Cross. The doctrine would be
refined later, but this was where it started, in Russia in 1941. Zelewski
commanded Einsatzgruppen in the early days, and yes, there were terrible
things that happened, there can be no argument.
Q-
Which other SS leaders come to mind regarding the anti-partisan
war?
A- Well, there were so many, but I
would say Walter Schimana, who along with Zelewski created the Einsatzgruppen
concept of ant-partisan warfare, and he was a favourite of Hitler’s and
Himmler’s for his ability to report staggering enemy casualties. I personally
did not like him very much, although Zelewski was a charming if somewhat
withdrawn character. Bittrich and Steiner were very similar in their characters;
both were highly intelligent and rather humane in their handling of enemy
prisoners, and were opposed to the Einsatzgruppen actions along with Paul
Hausser, and they tried to correct many of the great errors which had turned the
populations against us. I liked them both. Herbert Gille was another in that
same type of character, elderly, gentlemanly, and full of fight, yet unassuming
as a Waffen SS general. He won the Diamonds to the Knights Cross as well,
and was a stellar personality and leader. Juergen Stroop was similar to Schimana,
but without the intellect or tactical knowledge. He tended to create more
problems than resolve, and he was relieved of his duties in the Balkans by
Himmler himself through General Ernst Kaltenbrunner. I know of this because I
typed the letter ordering Schimana, who had been teaching at the academy in Bad
Toelz along with Klingenberg to replace him in
Greece, which went through Kaltenbrunner in
Vienna. This was 1943.
Q- What was the situation like in the
Balkans?
A- It was worse than in Russia,
because of the terrain and the many different resistance groups working in the
various countries. It was because of this activity that at least fifty divisions
were engaged throughout the Balkans occupation and pacification duty, primarily
due to partisan activity. Yugo-slavia was to become the greatest problem for the
occupation forces, even more so than in
Russia, mainly due to the rather static and long-term nature of our occupation.
It is a misconception to state that German forces actually occupied the entire
country. This would have been impossible. We could only occupy major cities and
garrison outposts, but never the entire nation. This failure to occupy the
entire nation as well as effectively control the pop-ulation was what helped to
create the great problems that later arose. We did not have this problem on such
a great scale in other parts of Europe, and this was a
question that I think puzzled many senior officers. I don’t think that we were
capable of understanding the true nature of the problem.
Q- How
did the partisan war develop in Yugoslavia, and what actions were taken?
A- The partisan war had been going on
against the Italians before we became involved, and shortly afterward we placed
several officers with some experience of sorts within the country, such as Kurt
Zeitzler, who was one of the first to try and tackle the problem, but he was
relieved of that command soon after. Zeitzler had attempted to control the
Croatian units that were creating problems with their actions against Serbs,
whom they blamed for atrocities in kind. Zeitzler was not a diplomat, and I
think he angered a few people. However, his reassignment was never discussed
openly.
Q-
Why was that?
A- The planning for Barbarossa
had been long and detailed, but it was March (1941) that the final planning
stages were in motion. We had planned for an April invasion, but Rudolf Hess’
action delayed the execution. Then we had the Yugoslav problem that required our
attention. With the fall of Belgrade we were an occupation force, yet still
pushing on to Greece, then Crete fell in May, which
further delayed Barbarossa. Hitler was becoming very impatient with all
of these actions and wanted them completed quickly. When it came to the
assigning of the various field commanders there were many whose names were drawn
due to their various areas of expertise. Zeitzler had a great amount of
experience against partisans, and it was believed that as a qualified panzer
and infantry commander he would have been critical in the opening phase of
Barbarossa. I don’t believe that Zeitzler’s failure at containing the
problem in Yugoslavia had anything to do with his appointment to the coming
Russian campaign. If anything at all it would have been perceived as a promotion
and a sign of his stature within the Wehrmacht.
Q-
Which units come to mind as being effective in the counterinsurgency operations?
A-
Well, there were several, but I would say that the most effective was
‘Florian Geyer’, commanded by Herman Fegelein. This unit was always in the
field, serving from Russia to the Balkans, and managed to reduce the greatest
number of partisan threats. ‘Prinz Eugen’ was also very effective in
Yugoslavia, and this was the basis for Himmler wanting to create ‘Handschar’
and other units recruited from non-Germans. There were also those units that
were not as effective, and were in fact counterproductive, such as Kaminsky’s
and Dirlewanger’s units. Kaminsky was finally eliminated on Himmler's orders,
and Dirlewanger was killed by his own men, I believe, and his command disbanded
in 1945.
Q- Why was this?
A- Kaminsky had decided to restore
order in several of his units by making examples of the junior commanders. He
actually strangled one in front of his men, and acted like a madman. When
Himmler learned of the acts he was in a state of shock.
Q- How did Himmler begin the
recruiting effort?
A- Himmler realised that we would
never be able to maintain the numbers necessary for effectiveness in the
Waffen SS, and decided to begin recruiting the auxiliaries. The Western
European units had performed very well, such as the Walloons, Danes, Norwegians,
and French, so he believed that the same success could be achieved in the east.
During the early days it was important to place a humane and very caring face on
the recruiting effort. I spoke with Himmler about the eventual expansion of the
SS in general and he stated; ‘We will concern ourselves with the
Waffen SS,’ as this was 1941, ‘and fill out the ranks with those men we know
to be suitable. I would prefer to keep the SD and Gestapo
completely German, for security, you understand.’ Himmler was dedicated to
creating a greater Germanic community, with the SS being the pinnacle of
this new order. As you well now, there was some measure of success.
Q-
Would this recruiting include the foreign armies as well?
A- No, this was strictly regarding
the Waffen SS. The Army and men like [Wilfried Strik-] Strikfeldt would
handle the additional general recruiting. This brings to mind an interesting
thing, regarding the additional auxiliaries. The two men most responsible were
Strikfeldt and Professor [Dr. Fritz Rudolf] Arlt. Arlt was a very intelligent
man who understood the Eastern mind, as did Strikfeldt, but he was not
especially supportive of National Socialism, preferring to remain outside of
politics. As a professional soldier this would perhaps be understandable, but
Arlt was an academic, not a soldier until the war. It was during his period of
working for [Reinhard] Heydrich and Hans Frank that Arlt was discovered to be
not very enthusiastic in his duties. Frank despised him for being too
compassionate. I would say that Arlt was one humanitarian in a world of misery.
He requested a combat posting and it was granted, and he was highly decorated
and wounded badly. This recuperation period was when he was reassigned to me,
and I was his boss in the SS Headquarters Office in early 1944. I was
preparing to transfer to Italy, and Arlt was being groomed to take over many of
my responsibilities in Berlin, such as recruitment. Arlt offered his opinions on the recruiting
campaign and was an exceptional intellect, and very honest in his opinions. Arlt
also found many loopholes in the racial regulations. I remember in 1943, before
he came to work in my office, that he said 3,000,000 Ukrainians would qualify
for recruitment if the restrictions were lessened or redefined. Arlt was also a
great supporter of covert operations, such as the Brandenberg units, and
under him these units were provided greater flexibility in the counterinsurgency
role, as you would put it. There were many people opposed to using the eastern
soldiers; they were not trusted. Before this could be effective there had to be
great support, and one of the most opposed was [Paul] Hausser. He later changed
his mind, and gave a report on their effectiveness in a report during the Office
of Eastern Affairs Staff meeting.
Q- Who attended this meeting?
A- Almost everyone involved in the
partisan problem; Fegelein, Bach-Zelewski, [Gottlob] Berger, Gille, Kumm,
Bittrich, Steiner, myself, Himmler of course, and many others that I cannot
remember right now.
Q- What was the purpose of this
meeting?
A- This was to decide once and for
all whether or not the eastern volunteers would be used on a large scale, and if
so how they would be used. There was already a unit, called Abteilung 203
that was using former Soviet officers in a propaganda and commando campaign
using partisan tactics. Strikfeldt and Arlt were in charge, along with Soviet
officer named Zakharov, I believe this is correct, and I met him once. The
Ukrainians were considered the most reliable due to their suffering during
Stalin’s activities, and their leader was Shandruk. They wanted to use the name
‘Galizische’ for the units, but Himmler would have none of it at first.
Shandruk outlined specific conditions, much like Vlasov, that had to be met if
Germany wanted another ally against Stalin in the Ukrainian Nationalist Party.
These were self-control and command of all present and future units under
Ukrainian officers, freedom for all Ukrainians from prison and concentration
camps, and the creation of an independent Ukraine allied to, but not under the
domination of Germany. Berlin was not about to agree openly, and this would
prove difficult for us later.
Q- So Himmler and Hitler finally
supported these conditions?
A- Not at first, but finally Hitler
decided to offer anything reasonable to get the Ukrainian support and Himmler, I
think, realised the necessity. However, following the speeches made by Vlasov
and Malyshkin, Himmler and the General Staff, including Hitler were quite upset.
Keitel went into a frenzy and demanded a word for word translation transcript of
every word spoken. He also said that [Hasso von] Wedel ‘had better pray Vlasov
did not promote himself as the future Russian leader.’ Himmler was even on
Keitel’s list, thinking the Reichsfuehrer had been involved. Himmler soon
became quite incensed and joined the attack. It looked as if the great free
Russian experiment was about to end in firing squads for everyone. There had
been reports of desertions from the volunteer ranks, and Hitler wanted an
investigation done as to the numbers of Freiwilligen who had actually
re-defected as opposed to being recruited from the prison camps. This was in
January 1943. As far as I remember, Gehlen headed this investigation and the
results were something like 1,300 documented defections, less than one point
five percent of the entire volunteer force at that time. The numbers of those
who actually defected from the Soviet ranks as opposed to those in the camps was
something like eighty percent. Hitler finally allowed the various field
commanders to use these troops in the summer of 1943, in time for the Kursk
offensive, but he wanted them under direct German command and at all times
supervised. I do know that Army Group Centre under [Guenther] von Kluge
had the largest elements, and they apparently proved quite useful.
Q- Were there any difficulties in the
German officers handling these units?
A- Yes, there were some situations I
remember quite clearly, even being an old man. There was a report from Fegelein
regarding a Cossack unit on anti-partisan duty, and that the Cossacks were
butchering their prisoners, and that a unit from ‘Florian Geyer’ had to
intervene. This was becoming even more of a problem later, especially in
Yugoslavia and the Caucasus.
Q- Who commanded the Cossacks?
A-
The best leader was [Lothar von] Pannwitz, who earned their respect, not
an easy job. They even protected him, carrying long sabres, and his personal
bodyguard was quite impressive. I met him once with his Praetorian Guard, to
discuss his unit transferring to Italy in 1944, and I must admit that I was quite nervous.
Q- How many Soviets served in the
German military?
A- I know that over a million served
in some capacity, but as far as actually serving in German forces, I would say
that the Navy and Air Force had over 40,000 men, with 100,000 in the Army, and a
similar number having served in the Waffen SS within their own units.
Himmler had been unaware of these figures and the surprise was evident on his
face.
Q- How did Berlin react to this
information?
A- Basically it was a confused thing.
Keitel and Jodl wanted none of it, while several senior SS and Army
generals knew that there was a great need for these troops. Himmler had already
authorised the recruitment for the SS, so the field commanders took it
upon themselves to determine who was and was not acceptable. This was where the
large numbers came in. Overall the situation was basically left alone.
Q- How did the war end for you?
A- I was in Italy, but I returned to
Berlin a couple of times just before the war ended, as I had certain
responsibilities, such as destroying files and documents so the Soviets and
Allies would not have them. When I returned in May 1945 I surrendered to the
Allies, who put me in prison. After the trial I was sentenced to twenty years,
but was out sooner. I was in a cell next to ‘Sepp’ Dietrich for a while and both
of us were released within a few days of each other.
Q- Why were you released so early?
A- The Allies were preparing for the
coming war with the Soviets, and they wanted all of the experienced senior staff
and field officers who had experience to work with their intelligence services,
and I did this also, sense I felt that the Soviet threat was the greatest
scourge. Sure, we made mistakes, and in retrospect I can see how the world
vilified us. But for us it was a war of national survival, and in this kind of
war you must do hard things and make tough decisions.
Q- What was your personal opinion of
the racial policies and the extermination programme?
Q-
I personally felt the same as almost everyone else, that we were superior
and that we must remove the dangerous elements from our society. Your country
did the same thing with the Indians, and the British all over their empire. Of
course, this does not mean that I agreed with the policy against civilians and
women and children, but I think that much of that was created as propaganda by
the Allies. No one discusses Stalin’s killing millions of his own people,
especially the Ukrainians. Why is that? I do not hear much about the Spanish
killing Basque populations, or even much regarding the Chinese Communists and
their activities. Why are we the ones to get so much attention? I think that it
is because we lost the war, and for everyone to have a good feeling someone must
be the villain.
Q- How are your later days in
retirement?
A- I just relax
and attend a few reunions on occasion, trying to forget the past and look
towards the future. I have a bad heart so my outdoor activities have been
halted, but I do love the mountains and choose to keep a house there. Life is
not all bad. I think it is what you make of it.